In evidenza

Tunis January the 26th: Confidence vote for the government reshuffle, parliament besieged by young people from popular neighborhoods and opposition movements, repression and arrests.

On January the 26th, a symbolic date for the opposition movement since it is the anniversary of the 1978 uprising, in conjunction with a plenary of parliament to vote for confidence in a government reshuffle, the opposition movement that for over 10 days fills the squares of the country has called a demonstration focusing on the proletarian district of Ettadhamen, the scene of riots these nights, in the direction of Bardo, the district where the parliament is based. At the same time, a sit-in was held right in front of the parliament. The procession consisting mainly of young people and inhabitants of the proletarian neighborhoods of Ettadhamen and Mnhila should have joined with the sit-in in front of the parliament formed predominantly by students and youth politically active in the central districts of the capital.

This day of rage, as it was called, represented the first conscious attempt to merge the two moments of the anti-government protest movement of these days: the mass and proletarian one of the periphery (not only from the city but from the most marginalized regions of the country) and that of the youth of the opposition. militant and framed in parties and organizations of the revolutionary and student left.

Once again the Mechichi government responded with repression: every single street leading to the square in front of the parliament was cordoned off and manned by hundreds of policemen and dozens of armored vehicles, even the entrances to the neighborhood within a radius of two kilometers were closed and garrisoned by vehicles equipped with water cannons, even from within the parliament some Social Democratic deputies as well as a liberal from a party of the ruling coalition expressed their complaints about a session held in a “parliament transformed into a besieged barracks”.

But the interior ministry has focused most of its forces on an intersection along the 4 km freeway connecting Ettadhamen to the Bardo which was heavily manned with the aim of not letting the demonstration leave the borders of the district and not letting it reach the young people in front of parliament.
Despite the great participation in both the march and the sit-in, the huge deployment of men managed to stop the march, not without a fierce opposition, while at the Bardo the young people who tried to break through the police cordon to reach the parliament square, 50 meters ahead, once again they were loaded and targeted with tear gas. VIDEO

The day of mobilization, however, ended in the heart of the capital: in fact, some of the demonstrators from both the march and the sit-in reached the center in small groups where they reassembled a few hundred meters from Avenue Bourguiba but also here the presence large numbers of police forces rejected and dispersed the young people.

On the same day, the funeral of the young Haykel Rahchdi the first martyr’s movement, who died after being hit in the face by a tear gas canister fired by the police, was held in the town of Sbeitla, 250 km from the capital, the funeral was attacked with charges and tear gas, reigniting the revolt in the city throughout the day and until late at night.

On the whole, the day of January the 26th showed a strong determination on the part of young Tunisians, often adolescents and who have not experienced the 2010-2011 Uprising, to take back the streets, not to retreat or be frightened by the police intimidation by expressing the will to bring down the system or the government and reactionary opposition to it.

Their slogans full of anger and yearning for social gains and freedom and, once again for the liberation of the 1.500 youth arrested in the last days, show once again that in post-revolt Tunisia the restoration of a police regime in the form of parliamentary democracy is underway, who still speak of “democratic transition” in good faith he should “go to school to the masses”.

Riots continue for the 6th day: 600 arrests throughout the country, demonstrations against government and demanding the release of the arrested attacked by police in the capital and in the city of Sousse

During the night between the 17th and the 18th of January riots continue and multiply throughout the country, from the north (Bizerte, Tunis, Sousse) to the west and the centre (Kef, Siliana, Sbeitla, Gafsa and Sfax). When curfew starts thousand of people, mainly youth, goes out to the streets organizing blockade with tires on fire and attacking police and big markets. Especially in the proletarian neighborhood of Ettadhamen in the capital, clashes were very intense last night where proletarian youth attacked the police with fireworks and stones and police used heavy armored trucks (see the videos here 1 & 2). In the tenth anniversary of people’s uprising against Ben Ali regime, the new generations still suffer from unemployment and bad life conditions pushing a big numbers of them to leave the country searching for a better life in Europe. Mainstream media and politicians in the past few days labelled the angry youth as “vandals” and “criminals” speaking about a dark hand behind these riots. These are just stupid attempts to criminalize and to confuse the people that after the pandemic is getting in worse life conditions and after the government decided by decree a 4 days total lockdown starting from the 14th of January (the anniversary of the Ben Ali escape) the people couldn’t stop the anger. Moreover the aggression against a young shepherd in Siliana and the destroying of a small kiosk owned by a young handicapped woman in the phosphate mine town of Gafsa, both by the police, augmented the protests and the anger and the solidarity from other society sectors and organizations like UGET (Tunisian Students General Union) that issued a statement of fully support to night riots and asking to his cadres to join protest in order to bring out the government and the reactionaries in the parliament. In Siliana as in other town repression was harsh (watch the video here). In Jelma (Sidi Bouzid region) people scuffled with police also putting forward two specific problems: the often lack of water in the town houses and the extreme retard to accomplish the work for the local hospital.

The regime widened political repression also to political revolutionary activists and people in general who support the protests by websites, blogs and social medias such as Houssem el Yousfy and Ahmed Graham, arrested both in Ben Arous (Region of Big Tunis) yesterday. The latter has been put in Mornaguia jail today and a tribunal session has been fixed for next week.

Activist and blogger Farouk Nasri was arrested yesterday in his house in Kasserine.

The 18th morning demonstrations were organized in Tunis and Sousse against Mechichi government and demanding the release of the 600 people and the political militants arrested until now. Slogans were lunched such as “No fear, the streets belong to us”, “Freedom for the arrested” “Ghannouchi (head of Muslim Brotherhood party of Ennahdha and head of the parliament) serial killer”, “Mechichi/Ghannouchi traitor we come to search for you at daylight”, “They attack our people and they stole our country”. The demonstrations in Tunis and Sousse were both attacked by police, especially in Tunis (watch demonstration video here) police tried to stop the demonstrators when they reached the central Avenue Bourguiba (watch the video here), after a small confrontation, the demonstration entered in the Avenue and headed to the arab Medina (old town) but meanwhile some demonstrators were arrested, among them political activist Hamza Nasri was bring to a police station at first, but after he was moved to an unknown place. Until now the protesters with a lawyer are outside the police station asking news for the comrade.

Political activists and Tunisian revolutionary movement side by side to the proletarian youth don’t afraid this new wave of political repression and are launching new struggles in the upcoming days affirming that 10 years ago Ben Ali fell down but the police and old state regime is still there.

16th of January night in Tunis, Siliana, Kasserine, le Kef, Kairouan, Cité Ettadhamen, Hammam Lif, Menzel Bourguiba, Hammamet, Tebourba, Sidi Hassine, Bizerte, Cité Al Intilaka, Cité Ezzouhour: youth and proletarians remember in the only way possible the 2010/2011 Intifada. Domestic “Leftists” intellectuals and western ngos don’t support but are more busy in webinars and writing articles for the anniversary

On the Tunisian popular uprising tenth anniversary, restoration advances, New Democratic Revolution and People’s War it needed!

The tenth anniversary of the fall of the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia (January 14, 2011) takes on a particular significance and clarifies the budget to be drawn from that event so important for the Tunisian masses, Arabs ones and not only.

The Tunisian comprador bourgeoisie currently represented by the Mechichi government (supported by the Islamist reactionaries of Ennahda, by the secularists of the post-RCD diaspora of Tahya Tounes and Qalb Tounes and by the social democrats of the Democratic Current and the People’s Party) using the excuse of the pandemic has prohibited the demonstrations planned for the tenth anniversary of the Popular Uprising and the fall of the Ben Ali regime, decreeing a 4-day lockdown starting on January 14, associated with a curfew from 16:00 to 6:00 in the morning. Furthermore, all courses in schools and universities of all types and levels have been suspended until 24 January. The government decree also underlines, in order not to leave any doubts, that all demonstrations are prohibited during this period.

The type of government policy is evident on the one hand aimed at exorcising the specter of revolt that is continually manifesting itself in strikes and roadblocks in the four corners of the country for ten years right up to these days; on the other hand it represents a further confirmation of the analysis provided by the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces in unsuspected times, that the Tunisian Popular Revolt of 2010/2011, with the opening of the constituent phase and subsequent approval of the new constitution in 2013 has entered a phase of progressive Restoration in which month after month and year after year the composite restorer pole made up of Islamist and secular reactionaries but also of useful “left” idiots such as the pseudo Marxist and pan-Arab components of the Popular Front, have contributed to weaken the popular and revolutionary pole remained faithful to the slogans of the Intifada of ten years ago or “Choghl, hurria, karama watania” [work, freedom, national dignity ed.].
On the contrary, the revisionists and the social democrats, by inappropriately shaking the concepts of revolution and “democratic transition” (the latter misleading) and not understanding that the revolution is first and foremost a question of conquering political power, have objectively followed the Tunisian ruling class and to imperialism by also praising the “constitution among the most advanced in the world” and building in their heads that “Tunisia as a laboratory for democratic transition” which would advance step by step in the long term towards full victory (“democracy”).

In reality, even from a revolutionary point of view, Tunisian events can be considered an interesting “laboratory”, albeit not as understood by the supporters of the “democratic transition”.
Revolutionaries also follow the movements of history and of the class struggle in a long-term perspective, but the problem is the class point of view with which these movements are interpreted, and how one therefore intervenes in the real power relations on the terrain that collide and determine whether the direction of social development goes towards the Revolution (democratic transition some would say) or towards the restoration of a form of power more similar to the ancient regime but in current and modern forms, without RCD and without Ben Ali, however, deceased. A practical example of this was the attitude of the revolutionary forces in the recent political and presidential elections in which they built an active boycott movement for the former and instead gave indications for a “critical vote” to Kais Saied for the latter (see to last year’s specific posts on this blog for more in-depth discussion of this issue).

But returning to the events of ten years ago, since the abortion of the Casbah 2 movement, in which young people besieged the seat of power precisely at the Casbah of Tunis, in favor of an attempt to send everyone home with the of the constituent process, the revolutionary and popular pole began to be put in serious difficulty, finding itself fighting, unprepared, a restorative front formed by the Muslim Brotherhood, by the transforming wing of the RCD led by the deceased Essebsi and by the useful “left” idiots of the former PCOT and Watad all united in the work of normalizing the revolt or in sending the masses home and then recalling them in the sacred act of bourgeois democracy: the elections of the constituent. That act that some interpret as the start of the “democratic transition” after the flight of Ben Ali, actually marks the first step in the restoration of the old power in the forms appropriate to the new context, in other words the Tunisian comprador bourgeoisie that from 20 March 1956 as of January 14, 2011 it was essentially represented by the same party in power (albeit formal label changes) headed first by Bourghuiba and then Ben Ali, after the transition phase of 2011-2013, it expanded its social base to exponents of the large bourgeoisie represented by the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as sectors of the professional and intellectual middle and petty bourgeoisie who have actually snatched young people from the streets to hand them over to dozens of European and American NGOs by drugging young people as well as with their funding, even with the illusion of this phantom transition to “democracy”.

To dispel this true rant, there are the arrests and police abuses that have gradually intensified over the past six years, reaching their peak in recent weeks, targeting political and social activists in a targeted manner. But on the flip side in the same period there were two riots that came very close to reaching the magnitude of that of 2011: one in 2016 and the other in 2017, both erupted in the marginal and border region of Kasserine which well soon it infected the other regions including the capital and in both cases forcing the governments of the time to decree national curfews;

It must als add to all of this that there have been innumerable revolts on a regional and local scale, just to name a part we remember: the fishermen and oil workers in the Kerkennah Islands, the oil workers and the unemployed of Tataouine, the workers and unemployed in the mining region of Gafsa, the farmers the Oasis of Jemna in the Kebili region, the farmers and ranchers of Beja, the youth and proletarian uprisings in the capital’s banlieues in particular Ettadhamen, Kram, Hammam Lif, the sector and general strikes in the public sector, among students, among young doctors and lawyers, just look at the FTDES annual reports to realize the social barometer of protest in this post-revolt decade.

On the tenth anniversary of the great Tunisian popular uprising, what remains is once again the confirmation that history is made by the masses, by the peoples. The Tunisian people with a violent revolt (not the “Jasmine Revolution”) and with their martyrs, still not officially recognized today, overthrew the autocratic government in power for over 20 years. Today the association of blessed and family martyrs of the Revolution were the only ones who defy government decree and marched to the streets facing police repression (watch the video here).

The objectives of the Revolution have not been achieved but in these ten years the memory of those months between 17 December 2010 and 14 January 2011 and the following months has remained alive in many popular sectors that daily struggle and have fought against the 9 governments “Revolutionaries” or “democrats” after January 14, 2011.
The contradiction between imperialism (and their Tunisian lackeys) and the Tunisian people is there ready to reach its logical consequence sooner or later …
It is not known when the next Popular Revolt breaks out, what we can venture is that:

next time Muslim Brotherhood and “left” revisionists will be known for the role they played against popular interests,

next time they will not make the mistake of handing over their weapons to the army to have them pointed again after a couple of years by the same police as Ben Ali without Ben Ali,

next time, the UGTT will not be allowed to curb the strength of the workers to defend their role in the current state dominated by the Tunisian comprador bourgeoisie,

next time strengthened by the experience of recent years in Tunisia and the recent experience of the Algerian peoples, Sudanese will neither be “democratic transition” nor defeated intifada nor all the interpretative junk typical of post-modernist degradation that ideologically denies existence and the role of social classes, of the revolutionary party, spreading confusion and illusion among the popular masses and thus contributing to their defeat. The most advanced revolutionary experiences of today, the People’s War in India, the Philippines and Turkey show the way to the peoples of the whole world: it will be a New Democracy Revolution on the march towards Socialism and Communism.

Strikes and protests through the country as the new anti people finance law is passed by the parliament

While the 10th anniversary popular revolt is approaching, the country continues to be paralyzed by popular strikes and protests:

In the north-western Jendouba government a general strikes took place last friday with more than 1.500 people on the streets demanding for development of the region, employement and justice for the young Baddredine doctor who died on his duty (see our previous post) asking for health minister and local governor resignations. Shops, schools and public offices were closed.

The day before in the capital the Association of martyrs and wounded of the revolution’s family members protested because after nearly 10 years the State has not published yet the official list of martyrs and wounded.

This is a symbolic about how the old Tunisian state is advancing through a political restoration of the old regime in new facade and not through “democratic transition” as imperialists and revisionists affirms altogether.

People’s conditions are getting worse day by day and all these strikes and protests are there as a proof, moreover two days ago another time a road accident bring the death to 3 agriculture female workers in the now famous death pick up. Last year a law was passed in order to secure these workers transports but it is clear that it was just dust to the eyes.

Meanwhile the parliament passed the law of finance 2021, among the articles there is the reduction of taxes for private enterprises for ten percentage points and at the same time augmentation of flour price and no remarkably finance allocations for workers, farmers and the people. UGTT, the main trade union, has already menaced to go to strikes next month against this law. The same day UGTT condemned the Moroccan diplomat normalization with the zionist entity asking for huge protests to Moroccan people.

In this general political context right wing islamist from Ennahda and al Karama and right wing secularist fascist from PDL (new destourians) are rising their heads against each others but they are both against people’ interests. A detail article will follow in the coming days…

Young doctors trade union on strike in Tunis after young doctor death in Jendouba. Local population protests too.

Baddredine Alaoui a young doctor, died last 3rd of December after falling in a broken elevator cage from a 10 meters highness. The elevator was broken since a long time but the health minister in person, during a visit to the regional Jendouba hospital last 3rd of October, promised that this and other structural problems would be fixed in few weeks.

The day after Baddredine’s death, prime minister Mechichi went to visit the hospital but he found a huge demonstration shouting the slogan “degage” (go away) so his visit lasted just five minutes (VIDEO).

ATJM on strike

The 4th of December ATJM (Tunisian Association of Young Doctor), organized a general national strike and a demonstration from the Faculty of Medicine of Tunis to The Minister of Health asking the minister and the regional health sector in charge in Jendouba to resign. Moreover they call for a “national day of rage” for the next 8th of December in order to ask improvement for doctor and health workers work conditions. Meanwhile another huge demonstration took place in Jendouba town with the same demands.

Jendouba protest

Today the Health minister announced that several local and national cadres in charge in the minister were fired but he has not showed any signs about the will to resign himself!

While public health sector in the country has poor investments, private one has seen investments growing up in the last years as well as its services costs.

Tunisia being a dependent country from imperialism has a bureaucratic and comprador bourgeoise that in order to stay in power attracts foreign investment only in those sectors where foreign capital and this parasitic minority in the country can have profits but not the people and workers.

The Jendouba affair comes when a national turmoil is going on in the majority of Tunisian regions (see other recent posts) exposing more and more the anti national and anti people nature of this government.

Tunisian people on strike throughout the country

The strikes inspired by the victory of the young unemployed and workers of Tataouine continue to multiply in the country demanding job for unemployed people.

In El Guettar municipality (Gafsa region) after a night scuffle with the police on 25th of november when also the local tax office was attacked and money took over, the people blocked tha road preventing camions full of phosphate to reach neighbouring industrial areas regions of Sfax (Skhira town) and Gabes where chemical factories transform this raw material.

Even if phosphates camion could reach the two areas, these were already blocked by unemployed people and still they are. Skhira and Gabès are very important industrial areas in order to provide all the central and southern areas of the country of oil and gas also for private use. After almost two weeks of blockade now it’s very difficult to find gas bottles and other industries cannot produce.

This week also oil fields in Sfax (Thyna town) and Kasserine (Douleb town) were closed by protesters in order to force the gouvernment to fill their demands.

Workers of construction, unemployed doctors and journalists organized strikes in front of the government siege (Casbah) separately in the last 10 days. The National Journalists Trade Union denounced to be attacked by the police during their sit-in.

Prime minister and previous interior minister Mechichi has assured today that his government will not smash the strikes preferring table of discussion as was done for Tataouine protest, meanwhile the main trade union general secretary Tebboubi accuses the gouvernment to be weak against “anarchic protests financed by unknown parties”.

Tebboubi’s fear obviouvsly is to do not control with the bureaucratic trade union apparatus the people’s and youth rage that is going straight to his demands without his trade union state pillar service.

Information about class struggle in Tunisia

After that demonstrators have blocked for more than 3 month petrol extration in Kamour pompage unit in the southern region of Tataouine, they finally succed imposing the implement of gouvernment agreements from 2017.
At that time the gouvernment agreed to invest 80 millions dinar (25 millions of €) per year in the region for development and 1.000? job employement in the petroleum companies and in a public agency for local gardening and development.
The gouvernment had been betraying people of Tataouine for more than 3 years but now finally the actual prime minister Mechichi was obbliged to satisfy the demands saying that the 3 months blockade had a 800 millions costs (in reality economic sources from the gouvernment said more than 300 millions).
Thanks to the struggle they understood that is better and with a less cost satisfying the people’s demand.
Moreover Mechichi said that in the same way He will go to negotiate where there are similar turmoils in other regions.
The victory of Kamour committe in Tataoine encouraged other struggle committes around the country: in the last week there were a demonstration in the town of Kef where people asked for job and night blockades and scuffle in Mdhilla (Gafsa region) where unemployed people blocked the access to the phospate mines, Touzer, Kebili and Gabes where unemployed people shut down the entry of the main chemical factory of the country.

All of these are central and southern region (onli Kef is in the northwest near algerian border) far away from the medium developed areas on the coastal axe Tunis-Sfax.
Anyway even there the country saw the unacceptable death of a young lawyer Sunnya Arbi who died in her thirties because she was affected by coronavirus but a private hospital in Nabeul town asked her more than 30.000 dinars for hospitalization (more than 9.000 euros).

El Kadehin party denouncing this fact once again reiterated than in a pandemic situation in the country asking for nationalization of private hospital is a revolutionary demand and that “is not sufficient struggling the coronavirus pandemy only with soap, mask and distance”.
On the contrary the WHO representant in Tunisia, Yves Souteyrand, said that the problem is the individual behaviour, without saying anything about the gouvernment responsability, adding the last data: the total affected number of people reached more than 76.000 and more than 2150 deaths. It must take in account that between the beginning of the pandemy and until mid july the country had 50 deaths (in 5 monthes), between that last period until now the rest (2100 deaths in the last 3 monthes and a half). The pubblic hospital are almost collapsed moreover the only ones equipped by intensive therapy are only in the Tunis-Sfax axe and few other in the town of Bizerte (60 km north of Tunis).
In this general situation private italian and tunisian companies try to augment their profits polluting the country.
After that an italian company selled for 48 euros per tonne, 320 tonnes of garbage (120 already imported while 200 are waiting in the port of Sousse) finally tunisain custom communication in charge Haythem Zannad said in an interview with a local radio that the 200 tonnes will be send back and the same for 120 ones already imported. He quoted international conventions of Bale and Bamako that forbid EU countries to export garbage in Africa. Prime minister Mechichi will personally contact italian representant for tha: Fayçal Bedhiafi, generl director of the National Agency for Managment of Garbage was fired.

Mobilitazione del popolo saharawi contro l’occupazione marocchina e le forze di interposizione ONU – parte 2


Il referendum è la via per raggiungere l’indipendenza?

Mentre il popolo saharawi in questi giorni intensifica la lotta diretta dal Polisario, quest’ultimo minaccia una ripresa della armi contro l’occupante marocchino reclamando il fallimento della MINURSO.

Non è la prima volta dal dispiegamento della MINURSO che il Polisario minaccia la ripresa della lotta armata ma ciò è sempre rimasto lettera morta.

Nel contesto attuale in cui il Marocco domina incontrastato ormai dal 1978 avendo esteso il suo controllo su quasi la totalità del territorio, pensare che si possa organizzare anche un referendum senza la pressione delle armi è una pura illusione.

Effettivamente l’esperienza dei popoli insegna che solo con la lotta armata è possibile scacciare l’invasore e raggiungere l’indipendenza, in particolare dopo l’instaurazione della Repubblica Popolare Cinese il primo ottobre del 1949, la strategia della Guerra Popolare di Lunga durata è servita da faro per le lotte di liberazione nazionale dagli anni ‘50 in poi sia quando essa è stata applicata integralmente come in Vietnam il cui popolo ha cacciato dal proprio territorio ben due potenze imperialiste prima la Francia e poi gli USA, sia quando è stata di ispirazione generale come in Algeria, Angola, Mozambico, Congo e altri paesi sotto il giogo coloniale in Asia, Africa e America Latina.

Con la nascita del Polisario la guerra di guerriglia per la liberazione nazionale veniva applicata per la prima volta in un territorio desertico in maniera originale e creativa facendo leva sul pieno appoggio del popolo saharawi alla causa nazionale.

Ma quando il Polisario nel 1991 contemporaneamente alla concessione del dispiegamento di militari stranieri della Minurso sul proprio territorio dichiarò ufficialmente di non avere più nessun riferimento teorico al Socialismo abbracciando i principi dell’economia di mercato, iniziò l’attuale crisi della lotta per la liberazione del Sahara Occidentale.
Questa svendita dei principi o meglio la mai totale adesione sostanziale al marxismo-leninismo seguendo l’esperienza rivoluzionaria più avanzata della Cina (1949-1975) diremmo oggi al marxismo-leninismo-maoismo è complice della fase di stallo sul campo vissuta ormai da quasi 30 anni.

Dopo tutto questo tempo è ormai evidente che la MINURSO è stata una vera e propria vittoria politica per il Marocco, seppur esso formalmente ne avversi ogni volta il rinnovo della missione, ma rafforzando in realtà la propria presenza e politica coloniale senza che nessun referendum abbia mai avuto luogo.

La Guerra Popolare di Lunga Durata unica strategia per la liberazione nazionale e la Rivoluzione di Nuova Democrazia

Come insegna il presidente Mao principali non sono le armi o i mezzi ma gli uomini, in questo caso non è principale il supporto di stati reazionari come l’Algeria che contemporaneamente massacra e imprigiona il proprio popolo in lotta, strategico è piuttosto il sostegno dei popoli e principalmente quello del popolo algerino e marocchino e di tutto il mondo nonchè dei lavoratori nei paesi imperialisti.
La questione del Sahara Occidentale è certamente complessa, basti pensare al fatto che l’attuale oppressione nazionale del popolo saharawi è condotta non da un paese imperialista ma dalla borghesia compradora marocchina rappresentata generalmente dalla monarchia di un paese, il Marocco, a sua volta oppresso dall’imperialismo ed il cui popolo vive una condizione di sottosviluppo causato da tale classe dominante che relega il paese a condizioni semifeudali e semicoloniali.
Non a caso la parte del popolo marocchino in lotta per un reale cambiamento rivoluzionario nel paese, i comunisti rivoluzionari marxisti-leninisti-maoisti avanguardia rivoluzionaria nel paese dagli anni ‘70 ed oggi in fase di riorganizzazione, sono stati l’unica forza politica marocchina a sostenre pienamente il diritto di autodeterminazione del popolo saharawi. Un’alleanza strategica e di cooperazione politica e di lotta tra i rivoluzionari marocchini ed i giovani e indipendentisti saharawi è quanto mai necessaria per fare avanzare la lotta di liberazione nazionale, anti-imperialista e rivoluzionaria in entrambi i paesi.

Allo stesso modo l’appoggio necessario alla questione saharawi del popolo algerino da oltre un anno in pieno movimento Hirak entra in contraddizione con il sostegno reciproco tra RASD e Stato algerino soprattutto in questa fase particolare in cui l’Hirak subisce una dura repressione dal regime.

Uno stato reazionario e antipopolare come il regime algerino non può supportare genuinamente la causa di un altro popolo oppresso se quotidianamente calpesta i diritti del proprio stesso popolo.
Il Fronte Polisario sembra però preferire il sostegno dello Stato algerino piuttosto che coltivare le
relazioni tra popoli sahrawi e algerino.
Oggigiorno con l’assenza degli Stati socialisti nessuno Stato può supportare realmente la lotta di liberazione nazionale, solo i movimenti rivoluzionari possono sostenere oggi ideologicamente, moralmente e politicamente la lotta dei popoli oppressi.
Le Guerre Popolari in corso in India e nelle Filippine per la loro vasta portata in quanto a mobilitazione di massa, organizzazione delle zone liberate e strategia politico-militare rappresentano un faro per la lotta dei popoli e dei lavoratori nel mondo di oggi, gli altri movimenti rivoluzionari e di liberazione in particolare in Turchia, Bangladesh, Palestina, Kurdistan e anche i rivoluzionari nei paesi imperialisti come in Italia, Francia, USA e Canada possono dare un sostegno maggiore alla causa del popolo saharawi rispetto che l’Algeria.

Nel 2010 a fronte dei massacri perpetuati dal Marocco nel campo tendopoli di Gdeim Izdik eretto per accogliere i nazionalisti in protesta contro l’occupazione e arrivando a contare 5.000 abitanti in pochi giorni, i giovani sahrawi nel quartier generale del Polisario a Tindouf (Algeria) criticarono aspramente tramite un documento e delle manifestazioni la strategia della lotta non violenta adottata dal Polisario dal 1991 chiedendo un ritorno alla lotta armata e incitandoli a farla finita con la farsa del Referendum e a ricominciare seriamente con la lotta di liberazione nazionale.

Intanto dieci anni sono passati da quell’eroica resistenza popolare conclusasi con pesanti pene inflitte dal regime marocchino a 30 patrioti saharawi tra cui condanne all’ergastolo e a vari decenni di prigione.

Le proteste di questi giorni si iscrivono anch’esse in questa strategia di pressione non violenta portata avanti dal Polisario che sarà spazzata via non appena l’Esercito marocchino deciderà di usare gli uomini che ha ammassato al confine, cosa farà allora il Polisario? Utilizzerà le proprie forze armate o continuerà a farle stazionarie in Algeria come succede ormai da quasi 30 anni?

Il Polisario ha ormai dimostrato di non poter servire la causa nazionale non solo per la sua linea pacifista e capitolazionista ma anche per il cambio della sua linea militare. Da quando infatti è stata conclusa la costruzione dell’ultimo muro marocchino non vi è più quel margine di manovra per attacchi guerriglieri nel deserto che prevedevano una ritirata in territorio algerino a Tindouf. Per questo motivo il Polisario ha convertito le proprie forze armate facendole assomigliare più ad un esercito regolare, grave errore per una forza che ancora non si è costituita in Stato. Uno scontro convenzionale tra i due eserciti giocherebbe a favore dell’esercito marocchino che ha alle spalle un’organizzazione statale. Inoltre il Polisario in questi anni è diventato sempre più dipendente dall’Algeria e spera in una modifica costituzionale (un referendum si terrà a breve di cui è già stato annunciato il boicottaggio popolare) del proprio vicino che tra le altre cose prevede la possibilità di intervenire militarmente al di fuori dei propri confini. Nell’attuale contesto internazionale in cui le contraddizioni interimperialistiche si accentuano e in cui emerge il protagonismo di potenze regionali, la crisi del Sahara Occidentale potrebbe riaccendersi portando ad un nuovo scontro diretto tra Algeria e Marocco.
La borghesia compradora algerina in piena crisi politica potrebbe giocare la carta del nazionalismo per calmare gli animi del movimento popolare dell’Hirak e per reprimerlo con più forza allo stesso tempo avendo come giustificazione che il paese è in guerra, una “guerra giusta” a difesa dell’indipendenza di un popolo amico.

Nel Sahara Occidentale i giovani, le donne e le masse popolari saharawi sono la soluzione per l’indipendenza del proprio paese di fronte alla capitolazione politico-ideologica e militare del Fronte Polisario ed il suo asservimento oggettivo alle mire espansionistiche dell’Algeria a sua volta pedina oscillante dell’imperialismo cinese e francese nonché partner della NATO alla pari di Marocco e Tunisia.
Solo la riorganizzazione armata del popolo in esercito di liberazione nazionale che lanci una guerra di popolo su tutto il territorio nazionale, anzi principalmente nelle zone occupate con la direzione di un partito comunista rivoluzionario m-l-m saharawi e con l’appoggio dei popoli vicini e di tutti i settori del popolo riuniti in un Fronte Unito, solo così la causa nazionale sahrawi potrà raggiungere la vittoria ed il popolo sahrawi migliorare la propria condizione con una Rivoluzione di Nuova Democrazia.